This article was originally published by Al-Ahram Weekly and is republished with permission.

Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad gives a speech during his visit to the Deheisheh refugee camp in the West Bank city of Bethlehem. (Luay Sababa, Maan Images)

During a few days of meetings with the Palestinian elite and the media, Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad has tried to market a new initiative that aims to end the Palestinian domestic rift without waiting for the conclusion of national dialogue between Fatah and Hamas. Fayyad's initiative calls for the formation of a transitional government of technocrats that do not belong to any political movement. Its first mission would be to end the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip and prepare for new legislative and presidential elections there and in the West Bank. Fayyad holds that the mere formation of this government and its assuming administration of affairs in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip would put an end to the rift, even as national dialogue continues.

Fayyad claims that this initiative can offer solutions to the challenges posed by the presence of security agencies following two different authorities in the West Bank and Gaza. It will do so, he says, by inviting Arab forces to the Gaza Strip to oversee the training of new Palestinian forces capable of maintaining security. Yet Fayyad does not suggest that Arab forces go to the West Bank as he considers the security forces there representative of the legitimate Palestinian Authority. He says that it is unlikely he would assume an official post after his current government is dissolved.

Critics of Fayyad's initiative say it overlooks the causes of the clash between Fatah and Hamas that ended with the latter's control of the Gaza Strip, and that it leaves treatment of these causes to national dialogue, for which the initiative offers no mechanism or agenda. Critics also point out that the initiative does not tie the holding of legislative and presidential elections to the end of the dialogue, and that holding them before would only intensify the crisis.

Hamas leader Ayman Taha holds that Fayyad's initiative is a mere manoeuvre that aims to excuse the Palestinian presidential office and Fatah from paying the price of national dialogue. In statements made to Al-Ahram Weekly, Taha said that solving all outstanding problems between Fatah and Hamas is "a basic requirement for any transitional government" and he expressed concern over the kind of authority that a transitional government would refer to. Taha said that Hamas does not intend to concede administration of Gaza before clear agreements are reached on all issues it differs on with Fatah and the Palestinian presidential office.

Related stories Occupation lost again Poet's village lives only in memory Siege-breaking vessels set sail for Gaza Collapse of the Middle East peace process Palestinians unfairly hit by Israeli policy in Gaza

Taha called on Fayyad to resign on the basis that his government is "illegitimate, does not have the confidence of the Palestinian Legislative Council, and functions according to Israeli and American dictates." He accused Fayyad of turning his government into a "bridge for passing plans that aim to destroy the [Palestinian] cause and cancel out the people's rights -- foremost the right to resistance." Taha further accused Fayyad of establishing a "security and police system whose function is to protect the occupation and create an atmosphere that allows the passage of all endeavours that seek to serve Israel, even if that means neglecting the rights and standards of the Palestinians."

Taha underlined Hamas's rejection of the idea of sending Arab or international forces to Gaza. "Hamas completely rejects the entrance of any foreign or Arab forces to the West Bank or Gaza Strip under any pretext," he said, adding, "Arab forces can come to liberate the West Bank from the occupation and free our citizens from the oppression they suffer under due to the security coordination between Fayyad's security agencies and the occupation."

Walid Al-Mudalil, professor of political science at the Islamic University in Gaza, holds that Fayyad's initiative is one of the steps he is taking to prevent the fall of his government. Hamas has regained its parliamentary majority since Israel has released more of its representatives who had been detained. He says that the Hamas parliamentary bloc can call for the Palestinian Legislative Council to convene under the legal quorum and pass a no confidence vote on Fayyad's government. "There is another problem facing President Abbas -- the end of his presidential term in January," Al-Mudalil told the Weekly. "He will thus lose his legitimacy as president if elections are not held, whereas if a transitional government is formed, from a legal perspective it will allow the president to remain in his position until presidential and legislative elections are held," he said.

Al-Mudalil suggests that Fayyad's call to form a transitional government seeks to cover his government's failures on all fronts and the collapse of the political programme Abbas has clung to. He considers Fayyad's call a "type of escape" and holds that it would be more appropriate for him to show signs of good intentions towards Hamas so as to reassure it, for example by stopping the campaigns of oppression waged against Hamas activists. Al-Mudalil suggests that the greatest problem facing Abbas and Fayyad is the diminishing margin for manoeuvring due to the pressures placed on them by Israel and the United States. He sees the proposals put forth by Abbas and Fayyad as always being "dictated by Israel and America".

Fayyad's initiative and the controversy around it come at a time when tensions between the Ramallah and Gaza governments continue to escalate. Ismail Haniyeh's government is detaining dozens of Fatah members said to have a direct relation to the bombings that shook the Gaza Strip and killed five Hamas military leaders and injured scores three weeks ago. Meanwhile the Ramallah government is continuing to arrest and detain hundreds of Hamas supporters and has closed down institutions close to Hamas in response to the actions of the Haniyeh government. Making matters more complicated are statements made by American Security Coordinator Keith Dayton, who oversees the training of Fayyad's security agencies. He told Haaretz last Friday that Israel had approved providing Fayyad's government with weapons and military equipment so as to enable its security agencies to prevent Palestinian resistance factions from targeting Israel. Dayton's statements embarrassed the Palestinian Authority and Fayyad's government, and granted Hamas an additional reason to deem Abbas and Fayyad duplicitous about dialogue.

There is no dispute within the Palestinian arena over the importance of there being an Arab sponsor of dialogue between Fatah and Hamas, and yet opportunities to secure a sponsor are dwindling day by day. Hopes had been pinned on an Egyptian role in bringing Hamas and Fatah to the discussion table, but these hopes have diminished due to obvious tension in relations between Egypt and Hamas that have affected Egypt's initial enthusiasm for continuing its role as a mediator between the two sides. An informed Palestinian source told the Weekly that the diminished Egyptian role is due to Cairo's disapproval of the events that have taken place in the Palestinian territories since the Gaza bombings and the sense among Egyptian officials that the Shijaiyeh events and those following them have widened the rift between Fatah and Hamas, making bridging it more difficult. This source confirmed that Egypt is placing most of the responsibility for the events on Hamas's shoulders because it is convinced of the viewpoint presented by the Palestinian presidential office.

This source said that a number of signs of tense relations between Hamas and Egypt have surfaced, including statements made by Hamas politburo Vice-President Moussa Abu Marzouq, calling on Egypt to stand at the same distance from Fatah as well as Hamas, suggesting Cairo's bias in favour of Fatah. This source stressed that Hamas was angered by Egypt's refusal last week to allow a delegation of Hamas parliamentarians, led by Deputy Parliament Speaker Ahmed Bahar, to visit a number of Arab and Islamic states. This source further stated that there are deep-rooted differences between Hamas and Egypt on how to deal with the issue of captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. Many in Hamas accuse Cairo of delaying mediation with Israel and not adopting the conditions Hamas has placed for releasing the soldier. This source adds that there has been several calls within Hamas to remove the Shalit file from Egypt's control and hand it over to a European mediator. Some within Hamas are openly enthusiastic about German mediation between Hizbullah and Israel and their prisoner exchange agreements.

Al-Mudalil holds that there are many doubts over the possibility of successful Egyptian mediation between Fatah and Hamas due to the lack of confidence between Cairo and Hamas. He believes that there is a structural fault in relations between the two sides, for Hamas thinks that Egypt is dealing with it as an extension of the Muslim Brotherhood and that this affects Cairo's behaviour towards Gaza. Al-Mudalil adds that the Hamas leadership has begun to act on the assumption that Cairo is not interested in any step that could represent a victory for Hamas rule in the Gaza Strip, including the success of national dialogue and concluding a deal on Shalit.

Al-Mudalil says that success of the national dialogue first requires improving the atmosphere between Egypt and Hamas and trying to build a new foundation for their relations based on mutual trust. Hamas would have to offer Egypt guarantees to dissipate Egypt's fear of the experience of Hamas rule in the Gaza Strip. Al-Mudalil holds that a close look proves that Palestinian national interests and stability in Gaza are also Egyptian interests.